Second, Republican politicians are more likely to attempt cultural war controversies instead of significantly improving the lives of their members. Kemp’s victory over former Senator David Perdue also overcame that strategy.
Perdue built his major challenge to big lie by claiming that the 2020 elections were “illegal and stolen.” That wasn’t the case, but the lie represents the table stakes of a defeated senator’s comeback attempt built on Trump’s support.
However, a primary survey revealed that lying and damaging democracy around 2020 was not enough for Perdue to expel Kemp. So Perdue tried to gambit in direct opposition to the livelihoods of Georgian workers.
Specifically, it attacked the largest economic development project in Georgia history. Perdue has accused Kemp of reaching an agreement with electric pickup truck maker Rivian to provide tax incentives to a $ 5 billion factory that creates jobs for 7,500 people.
“Awakened Californian company whose mission is to make the world environmentally friendly,” Purdue complained. “They just want to make money from us.”
However, during the Trump era, the blue-collar Republican populist immigrant exclusion brand gained a higher position. It directly conflicts with the values of the modern globally integrated digital economy, which is based on education, tolerance and inclusion.
As a matter of cultural and economic situation, the conflict exacerbates the anger and alienation that fueled Trump’s attack on American democracy. Voters in the older, rural, overwhelmingly white red states he passed through, just as the country remains political, are their younger, more diverse in growing metropolitan areas. Well, it’s even more economically behind the voters of the Blue States.
For example, in the 2016 presidential election, the Brookings Institution calculated that 472 counties won by Hillary Clinton accounted for 64% of America’s economic output. Trump’s 2,584 counties accounted for only 36%.
Trump has vowed to reverse the economic “genocide” given to “forgotten Americans.” But he didn’t. By 2020, Brookings calculated, Biden’s 509 counties accounted for 71% of US production.
Surprisingly, the coronavirus pandemic narrowed the rift a bit. The empty city office buildings created by the blockade left high-paying employees working from less populated areas. As the pandemic subsided, many chose to stay there.
The Biden administration has made several attempts to boost the financial well-being of Heartland’s residents, including a $ 1,400 check in the US Rescue Program and local broadband subsidies in bipartisan infrastructure legislation. Last month, White House domestic policy adviser Susan Rice and Secretary of Agriculture Tom Bilsack announced a “government-wide” initiative to expand economic opportunities in rural areas.
But the Republican deficit governor has given more political confidence in the effort than the Democrats in Washington. In attracting the Rivian factory, Kemp emulates the success of his predecessors, such as Carol Campbell in South Carolina and Lamar Alexander in Tennessee.
“This is what a wise Republican governor has been doing for decades,” said Whit Ayres, a Republican pollster who was disappointed with the Trump-era trends within his party.
“Whether it’s an electric car, a solar panel, or a BMW, few people oppose the expensive jobs that come to the community,” Ayers added. “This is just the definition of a notebook problem in a rural area that is struggling economically. The Republican Governing Department never leaves it.”
The question Perdue put on the table was whether the governing wings were still rocking in the race of Governor Deep South. Emphasis from Georgia Republicans: Kemp 73.7%, Perdieu 21.8%.
Source: www.cnn.com
